Exclusive Interview with MK Simcha Rothman: "The Deep State is Losing Its Grip"

Good evening MK Rothman,

Good evening,

PM Netanyahu has appeared far more active in recent months with regards to the judiciary and security establishment — a clear shift from previous years, even from the start of this term. How do you explain this change?

I'm not in a position to psychoanalyze the Prime Minister, but I believe several factors have come together. First, these institutions are becoming increasingly radicalized — something I saw coming. The war hasn't slowed them down, so the executive branch must respond accordingly. Second, the deep state in Israel has received strong backing and encouragement from the Biden administration and its counterparts in the U.S. That makes it much harder to push back against them, especially when these institutions enjoy constant support from a government we rely on for many things. Now, with an administration that doesn’t back them and even demonstrates how to confront such institutions — a government with no sentimental attachment to those systems — it naturally becomes easier to confront them. I believe these are the central elements behind the shift.

A special directorate was reportedly created to deal with the Trump Plan for relocating Gazans, but it doesn’t seem to appear in the budget. Can you confirm?

The Finance Minister made it very clear that budget constraints will not be an obstacle. Most of the defense budget is classified, so we don’t know exactly what’s in it. Therefore, I can’t say whether it’s in the budget or not — but it’s largely concealed.

Some activists involved in the plan claim there's a quiet power struggle between the Defense and Finance Ministries over control of the directorate. Any truth to that?

Not that I’m aware of.

What would you define as the first milestones in this relocation initiative?

Establishing the directorate is a major milestone. Planning, coordination with other countries — those are all happening at the governmental level. I’m not the one managing or designing the plan; like everyone else, I read the reports. But I genuinely don’t believe that public discussion at this level of detail helps the initiative right now. What’s important is that there’s growing awareness that this is the direction Israel is heading. The specific implementation should remain in the hands of those tasked with carrying it out.

The current U.S. administration conducts diplomacy very publicly. Given that, are you concerned we’re missing an opportunity to "cash the check," so to speak — by making bold declarations that would make us more central to the discourse, as Egypt does?

On the contrary, I think we’re showing full support for ideas promoted by President Trump, in full cooperation and coordination — and that’s exactly how you “cash the check,” as you put it.

As Chairman of the Constitution, Law and Justice Committee, do you see the committee as a vehicle for facilitating the broader Middle East shift that may be underway?

That issue naturally falls under the authority of the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee. However, our committee is dealing with legislation that could have long-term regional implications. For example, we’re currently discussing a proposed amendment to the Basic Law on Referendums, which would require a special Knesset majority or a public referendum for any concession of territory or for establishing a Palestinian state. That kind of law helps take these scenarios off the table. Another bill proposes changing legal terminology from “West Bank” to “Judea and Samaria,” similar to existing U.S. law. So yes, we are involved in the issue — but the core responsibility lies with the Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee.

In the past, Itamar Ben-Gvir said he would rejoin the government once the relocation plan was underway — yet he returned before that happened. What are your thoughts?

I wasn’t thrilled when he left. I’m glad he came back. The government has important tasks to carry out, especially during wartime. I believe every Zionist party should be part of the government in such times — and certainly Otzma Yehudit. That’s how you make an impact. We in Religious Zionism are operating from within, and I believe we’ve influenced decisions on the hostage deals, on the Attorney General, and on the Shin Bet chief. Our actions had a much greater impact than protests on the outside.

Israel is heading into a highly unprecedented situation: the head of the Shin Bet refuses to follow the Prime Minister’s orders; the Attorney General refuses to comply with government requests; meanwhile, the protest movement is trying to shut down the Israeli economy. How do you view the coming weeks, which could represent a historic point of collision? What does the law dictate? And how do you see the roles of the courts and the security forces?

The basic definition of a democratic state is one in which the security services are subject to the authority of elected officials. That’s the legal definition of the State of Israel. The Shin Bet, the IDF — they are all supposed to follow the direction of the elected government, as prescribed by law. Israel will not give up its democratic identity under any circumstances. Any attempt to undermine the democratic order will be dealt with firmly.

As a legal expert, not just as an MK, how do you interpret the fact that the Shin Bet chief — who has recently become a quasi-international figure — wrote to the Prime Minister stating that he intends to follow the rulings of judical institutions? What does that even mean?

I’m not here to interpret the words of the Shin Bet chief. Legally, he is subordinate to the government. If he doesn’t understand that, he will.

There are growing concerns within Israel’s conservative camp that, given the current legal and political landscape, the Justice Minister won’t be able to dismiss the Attorney General — even though there's a broad coalition consensus on doing so. Do you share that concern?

There’s no doubt that the judiciary’s repeated interference in executive decisions has made every government action — which would be much simpler in places like the U.S. — into a never-ending saga. That’s true regarding the dismissal of an Attorney General, and as we’ve seen, even for sending soldiers into Jenin. There’s hardly any action the legal system isn’t trying to control. But I believe that with determination from both the government and the Knesset, results will come.

Does that include the committee's involved with reaplacing the GA?

Yes, that includes the committee’s involvement.