Who preceded Ronen Bar as Shin Bet Chief? Who will replace him? Here's what to know

The conflict and simmering tension between the Prime Minister’s Office, along with its ministers, and the head of the Shin Bet and his team have pushed media coverage of the issue to an unprecedented boiling point and rightly so.

Without deciding who’s right in the emotionally charged standoff between Benjamin Netanyahu and Ronen Bar, there’s no doubt this affair is an unusual upheaval with effects that will linger for a long time.

By basic definition, the General Security Service (Shin Bet) is one of Israel’s three intelligence and espionage agencies, tasked primarily with thwarting terrorism and uncovering espionage and treason, alongside the Mossad and Military Intelligence.

However, the Shin Bet has another equally important and uniquely Israeli role: by law, it’s also responsible for safeguarding the country’s democratic institutions.

The path to dismissal isn’t straightforward. Although it seems the prime minister is determined to push for Bar’s removal, the final word, both publicly and constitutionally, has yet to be spoken.

A Resounding Failure and Crisis of Trust

Every citizen starting to worry can feel the Shin Bet’s failure regarding the outbreak of the war on Simchat Torah and Hamas’s attack.

In fact, the General Security Service enjoys a level of media immunity similar to the Mossad, despite being a massive organization with a huge budget under the Prime Minister’s Office. With advanced technology, agents, and commando fighters, it doesn’t report to the public on how its funds are allocated or its operations conducted.

The failure echoes loudly: despite all the agents, technology, and budgets, 3,000 Hamas terrorists breached the Gaza border fence at dozens of points, and Shin Bet chief Ronen Bar either didn’t know in advance or ignored the warning signs. This is a breaking point with the public more than with the prime minister.

Ultimately, all the information the Israeli public has about intelligence failures comes from the investigation the Shin Bet itself published.

A Fight for Everything

Ronen Bar, 55, married with three children, holds a BA in political science and philosophy from Tel Aviv University and an MA in public administration from Harvard. He served in the IDF as a fighter in Sayeret Matkal before joining the Shin Bet as an operations unit member.

Over his long career serving Israel’s security, he fought and led numerous operations in Gaza, Judea and Samaria, and Lebanon.

These days, he’s engaged in the fight of his life, stubbornly doing everything he can to prove his effectiveness for Israel and its citizens—not just based on the prime minister’s personal trust.

Bar served as deputy Shin Bet chief under Nadav Argaman and was appointed to the top role three and a half years ago by then-Prime Minister Naftali Bennett.

He appeared before the advisory committee for senior appointments in the civil service and received its approval. The Goldberg Committee stated: “After reviewing the information presented, the committee found no flaw in his integrity or in the considerations behind his appointment.”

The government then approved his appointment, and his name was cleared for publication.

The term for a Shin Bet chief is five years, with the government able to extend it by an additional year.

For example, former Shin Bet chief Yuval Diskin served a full six years after the Netanyahu-led government extended his term.

Yet, despite Netanyahu choosing to extend Diskin’s tenure, the two had serious security disagreements, though the flames never spilled beyond the room or led to a crisis.

How Many Shin Bet Chiefs Resigned Before? And Who Was Fired?

Since Israel’s founding, no Shin Bet chief has been forcibly removed from office. However, there were past cases where strained relations with the prime minister or security failures prompted voluntary resignations.

It’s fair to note that relations between Shin Bet and Mossad heads and prime ministers have often seen highs and lows over long periods, but in most cases, all involved respected the limits of power and their subordination to the government and law.

Moreover, while the government is legally entitled to dismiss the Shin Bet chief, it doesn’t mean it should. For instance, there should be a reason for dismissal that isn’t necessarily seen as political but as objective.

Even the Attorney General, opposing the move Netanyahu sought to advance, noted in her letter that the matter needs clarification but didn’t say there’s a legal barrier to dismissal.

The Political Dispute

The first instance of a Shin Bet chief stepping down occurred 62 years ago when Isser Harel, then head of the General Security Service, opposed the diplomatic moves Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion pursued to reconcile with West Germany.

Harel, a senior security figure, argued that Nazi Germany remained an enemy of the Jewish people, just as during the Holocaust. Ben-Gurion ignored the objection and pressed forward.

Due to the vociferous disagreement, Isser Harel submitted his resignation to Ben-Gurion, who accepted it, and the Shin Bet chief was replaced. But this was a voluntary move by Harel.

The Security Crisis

The second case occurred nearly 40 years ago when then-Shin Bet chief Avraham Shalom resigned along with other senior officials after Attorney General Yitzhak Zamir decided to prosecute them for the killing of two young Palestinian terrorists who hijacked a bus with passengers to Gaza and were captured alive in a Sayeret Matkal rescue operation.

The prosecution claimed the terrorists were killed by Shin Bet operations unit members, led by Ehud Yatom, using stones and beatings.

Shalom tried to argue he received orders from Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir not to leave captives alive. Shamir denied this, and the investigation revealed Shalom had lied.

As a result, Avraham Shalom, a respected security figure, was forced to resign.

The Operational Failure

The third instance occurred 30 years ago after the assassination of Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin, when a severe security lapse enabled the attack. Then-Shin Bet chief Carmi Gillon submitted his resignation to Shimon Peres, who became prime minister immediately after the murder.

Peres initially refused to accept it, and Gillon stayed on for three more months until realizing the state inquiry commission, led by Judge Shamgar, might recommend his dismissal.

Investigation Clues and the Question

Additionally, it’s worth noting that in recent weeks, the Shin Bet has been conducting an investigation affecting individuals very close to the prime minister, who are suspected of security offenses and ties to payments Qatar allegedly transferred to the prime minister’s circle.

There’s no doubt this is a highly sensitive investigation with an uncertain outcome.

The fact that the Shin Bet is handling such a delicate probe puts not only the prime minister but the entire government in a potential conflict of interest, as appointing a new Shin Bet chief could impact these investigations.

Thus, beyond security issues and the trust Netanyahu cites, the government as a whole might have a personal stake in Bar’s dismissal.

Against this backdrop, Prof. Talia Einhorn, a member of the senior appointments committee, announced she won’t participate in selecting the next Shin Bet chief since her son, Shrulik Einhorn, is under investigation in the classified documents case involving the Shin Bet.

The Big Question

Beyond whether and how Ronen Bar will be replaced, the question on everyone's mind is who will succeed him.

The Shin Bet chief has two deputies, and Bar has said both are worthy of the role, pledging to do all he can to ensure one of them is chosen.

However, Netanyahu and his government aren’t bound by Bar’s recommendation and could legally appoint someone from outside the agency’s ranks.

In fact, Netanyahu has summoned four candidates for interviews: 1. M, Bar’s former deputy and now a key member of the hostage negotiation team; 2. Yair (Roli) Sagie, a former Shin Bet deputy; 3. Shalom Ben Hanan, a former Shin Bet division head; 4. Eyal Tzir Cohen, previously head of the Mossad’s intelligence division, a member of the hostage negotiation team, and currently a senior researcher at the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS).

Netanyahu might also interview the current Shin Bet deputy, Shin.

Analysts, led by veteran intelligence journalist Yossi Melman (Haaretz), suggest that if Netanyahu picks one of Bar’s deputies, the rift between the agency as it operates today and the prime minister would be far milder than if he appoints an outsider with relevant security experience but seen as a personal loyalist.

Appointing a clear ally to such a sensitive role could affect any future investigation or review regarding the political echelon’s conduct with the security establishment during the war.

In the end, this could also have public and political repercussions.

What Will the High Court Decide?

It’s likely the Shin Bet chief will be replaced somehow soon. The government’s unanimous vote to dismiss Bar puts him in a very difficult position, making it hard for him to survive and work with the political system, even if a legal ruling supports him.

Last week, the government discussed Bar’s dismissal despite Attorney General Gali Baharav-Miara’s stance that it requires the senior appointments committee’s recommendation—a stance the government rejects.

This is the central issue expected to be debated before High Court justices, who might rule that the committee’s recommendation is needed, potentially delaying the dismissal.